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Pictures right - Brighton's Last Fisherman - Rory's Grotto on Brighton Beach.


Chapter Five.


'As in more recent times, Royal patronage was immensely influential in shaping public attitudes and fashions, and the visits and interest of Emperors such as Augustus and Caracalla must have brought prosperity not only to individual healing sanctuaries and curative springs but also to spas in general.' (Jackson 1990 p13).

In the literature review on the development and origins of seaside tourism in chapter three, Murray sees Russell as the instigator of Royal patronage at Brighton in the late 18th century which in turn was the catalyst for Brighton's growth (Murray in Dale 1979 p9). Analysing this assertion in more detail, the suggestion is that Russell and his sea water cure triggered a chain reaction which led to the 19th century economic growth of the town and the establishment of seaside tourism. Did Russell influence Royalty to the extent suggested, prompting their patronage of Brighton as a spa, which in turn led to patronage by the tourists who emulated the lead set by the higher ranks of society? In this chapter this hypothesis is examined in detail.

Royal patronage of the spa and later seaside resorts follows a distinct trail. In tracing this trail, the motivating factors provide an insight into why and how Brighton became involved with Royal patronage.

As has been previously noted, substantial Royal Antagonism existed towards the Holy Wells at the time of the reformation and it was subsequent to this that Royal patronage of the spas becomes identifiable. During the 16th century, Elizabeth I's government took a more liberal and enlightened approach to water cures. Improved mobility enabled travellers to the continent to learn of the new religion and new science of the times. Turner, described as the pioneer English writer in this field, published a treatise on the baths at Bath comparing them with those of Germany and Italy (Turner 1562). This popularised the healing qualities of Bath's waters and sought to overcome a thousand years of neglect (Hembry 1990 p6-7). Both Bath and Buxton became renowned 16th century spas, each having the advantage of thermal waters and, as such, started a movement which was to last 400 years.

'....during the summer months the court gathered for health and recreation in an unprecedented fashion' (Hembry 1990 p21). The court never ventured to Buxton, but Bath, which was 107 miles from the metropolis, started to establish a significant social importance. Queen Elizabeth first visited Bath in 1574 and, despite her reservations about the treatment, her visit led to an economic revival of the city as the aristocracy followed in her wake (Hembry 1990 p29). Like Elizabeth, James I saw advantage, both economic and political, in encouraging the domestic use of mineral waters, rather than allowing patronage to Spa, the town in Belgium and other Continental venues, often as part of a Grand Tour. Further legitimisation came with the visits of Queen Ann to Bath in 1613 (Hembry 1990 p39-41).

Early in the 17th century a number of wells were discovered elsewhere and of particular significance were those at Epsom and Tunbridge (Havins 1976 p20). London physicians confirmed the healing qualities of these waters and North, in 1637, claimed to have popularised both of these new spas in London and at court (North 1637 p134). With the outbreak of civil war in 1642, greater interest was shown in the new minor spas nearer London although Bath remained the second city of the realm, in spite of bad management and congestion within the walls (Hembry 1990 p53). Bath's social significance as a resort prompted Queen Anne to visit, in all, four times. The final time was in 1703 and this was the last visit by a reigning sovereign until the 20th century. In all, four Stuart monarchs and six of their consorts had frequented Bath (Hembry 1990 p93). Evidence of Royalty and court nobility exploring Tunbridge, Epsom and Bristol (which also had a thermal source), is also apparent (Hembry 1990 p52 & p97). Tunbridge and Epsom became popular with the aristocracy due to the proximity of London. Gentry on their way to Epsom passed through Tooting, where they were accosted by a motley collection of locals seeking to sell merchandise and other favours. This gave rise to the expression touting (local legend unattributed).

'Charles II and his court went to Epsom in 1662 and 1664 and Tunbridge in 1668 and, it is said, other times. The Queen and her ladies enlivened Tunbridge in June 1666' (Hembry 1990 p66 see also Pimlott 1947 p31).

The spas provided for a social need of the elite, as centres of public life, as well as a health spa facility. They were inevitably seasonal, with the problems of travel and accommodation being worse in the winter periods. Although approval by a medical practitioner was important at the new spas, the emphasis was on the search for pleasure and entertainment (Hembry 1990 p66-69).

Pimlott notes that, by the end of the 17th century, Bath, Epsom and Tunbridge Wells were more famous for pleasure than the cure (Pimlott 1947 p31). This is in keeping with the historical account of the spa industry overall outlined in chapter two.

Epsom became discredited and withdrew from the spa industry earlier than its counterparts. The reason for the demise is open to debate and throws light on why Royalty declined to maintain patronage. Home, in 1901, argues that Russell's sea water cure was "absolutely fatal to Epsom" by attracting clientele to the coastal resort of Brighton (Home 1901 p 61). This assertion does not stand scrutiny however. Epsom was in difficulties as a spa before Russell's era of impact. Prior to Russell, Home identifies Levingstone, an apothecary, who opened the New Wells in 1708, as bringing the waters into disrepute. Having closed the old wells to force patronage of the new establishment, the new water was seen as spurious and the town's reputation suffered as a result (Home 1901 p59/60, Pimlott 1947 p31/2).

Clarke, in 1953, conducted a little known but detailed, investigation into the demise of the Epsom Wells, and arrived at a more realistic alternative conclusion. Having traced the descriptions of Epsom Wells in the original manuscripts of Defoe's "A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain" and Celia Fiennes journeys (Defoe 1724, Morris 1947), Clarke argues that the original well was frequently drunk dry. Local wells at Ashtead, with similar mineralisation, were used to top up the old well. This deficiency of water was what prompted the opening of the New Wells but which failed to attract the custom of the old well (Clarke 1953 p17).

With the demise of Epsom, Tunbridge Wells was able to rival Bath during the 18th century for the attention of the court.

The 1709 turnpike from Sevenoaks to Tunbridge Wells was the likely way that the Prince of Wales, later George II, came in 1716 and 1724, and his son Frederick in 1739. During the 18th century, the town enjoyed a period of sustained prosperity and the spa regime was established under the guidance of Beau Nash. Melville, quoting Defoe, Chapter Five, indicates the presence of Royal patronage: 'His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales was there with abundance of Nobility and the Gentry of the Country, who, to honour the Prince's coming, or satisfy their own curiosity, throng'd to that Place' (Melville 1912 p96).

Tunbridge started to lose its popularity towards the end of the 18th century and the Royalty moved on. The final visit of Royalty was 1835 (Farthing 1990 introduction). There are numerous reasons suggested by various authors for this. For example, between 1780 and 1820, there were subtle changes in the composition of the population and a process of urbanisation started in Tunbridge, making it a less desireable resort to visit (Farthing 1990 introduction). The era of Beau Nash was over and, although this provided strict rules of behaviour, it also legitimised such pursuits as gambling with dice and cards, dancing and music (Pimlott 1947 p40). Nash died in 1761 (Melville 1907 p249). Such pastimes were not in keeping with the new middle class aspirations of Tunbridge. In chapter two, the general decline of the old spas is noted at this time and this merely accellerated the changes at Tunbridge Wells.

The impression that one is left with is that, as the incentive for visiting Tunbridge Wells changed from health cure to leisure and entertainment, so Tunbribge evolved away from accommodating the more excess forms of behaviour associated with the pursuit of pleasure and at the same time failed to identify new diversifications which would have enabled the town to retain a role in the medical field. It has been shown in chapter four that the opposite was the case with Brighton. Although Brighton took Tunbridge Wells as its role model (Pimlott 1947 p59), while Tunbridge Wells was becoming a "nice place" Brighton was becoming a "pleasure dome". This view survives in popular legend although has not, understandably, been publicised as the enabling factor for the attraction of Royalty to Brighton. Brighton also retained a presence in the health cure market with it's artificial mineral water manufactory and baths.

Confirmations abound to testify to the hypothesis that Royalty were attracted to Brighton for pleasurable rather than health motives.

Towards the end of the 18th century, the bath houses including Mahomed's establishment appeared. Their similarity to the bagnios of ill repute cannot be missed. The cultural influences of Chinese, Moorish and Hindu inspired forms associated with pleasure is remarked on by Howell, noting that this led to an architectural style associated with places of pleasure, whether they be piers or pavilions by the sea (Howell 1974 p107/8).

Brighton races were first held in 1783, with the Prince of Wales present in 1784 (Gilbert 1975 p90).

The Prince of Wales, later George IV, publicly established his mistress at Brighton, following a questionably valid marriage and a further marriage to Caroline, daughter of the Duke of Brunswick and his Aunt Augusta in 1795 (Priestley 1969 p31). His secret marriage to Mrs Fitzherbert was the scandal of London and in 1786 the Prince set off for Brighton with his bride of one year. Mrs Fitzherbert was settled in a villa near the Steine where the Prince leased a house (Franzero 1958 p31).

Johanna Schopenhauer, in her travels between 1803 and 1805, notes that Mrs Fitzherbert, the friend of the Prince was expected on her way to Brighton (Michaelis-Jena 1988 p129). George III had nine sons and six daughters. The Prussian system of education had produced detestable results in his children. The most worrying, for the King, was the Prince of Wales. His adventure with Mrs Fitzherbert was merely a diversion in a career of love affairs lasting throughout his life. George, the Prince of Wales, was born in 1762; while in his teens he became involved with Mary Robinson and such liaisons were to become the pattern for the next forty or so years (Priestley 1969 p21). 'The older sons, with the Prince well out in front, were busy reacting - and too violently - against their father's prim, dull and stingy court.' (Priestley 1969 p15).

The first signs of Royal patronage came shortly after Russell. Underwood notes that in 1765 the Duke of Gloucester, the King's brother visited the town, followed by the Duke of York in 1766 and the Duke of Cumberland in 1771, the latter taking Russell's former residence (Underwood 1978 p67). Such patronage resulted from a combination of desire for recreation and novelty as well as recommendation by physicians. Of particular importance was proximity to London with the ability to "make a quick and innocent-seeming return" (Hern 1967 p45). Farrant suggests that these visits were what prompted the early visits of the Prince of Wales (Farrant 1980 p23).

The Prince found Brighton a more congenial location to pursue his romantic ardours and life of perpetual disorders. The court attracted a strange medley of the brilliant and the eccentric. The gifted Charles Fox was capable of remaining at the gaming table for sixty hours without a break and Beau Brummel, the stylish character, who, by the age of 18, had established himself firmly in the close social circle of the Prince, added wit and personality to the society in the licentious town (Franzero 1958). Brighton became the place where fashionable youth congregated at the end of the 18th century. A place of outlandish style and a whole infrastructure of clubs and societies quickly formed, with the aristocracy oscillating between London and Brighton as the Prince's idiosyncracies and the weather determined.

'Brighton became the playground of Europe' (Margetson 1969 p2). Crowning the town was the Royal Palace, or Pavilion. The Prince first took possession of the original building in 1787 and started rebuilding his Marine Pavilion, which, in later years, with added cupolas and minarets, was to become the fantasy residence that still exists today as the Royal Palace. Mrs Fitzherbert had a house built nearby, which still survives, and a tunnel connected her house to the Prince's bedroom (Franzero 1958 p32). A variety of alterations to the pavilion were planned over successive years, changing the original building out of all recognition, with further amendments and additions continuing through to the 1830's (Carder 1990 el61)

Public opinion and fact are difficult to separate during this era. In Brighton, it was believed that wild orgies with virgins were the norm whereas the reality was somewhat less outlandish, particularly as the Prince grew older. The Prince, as the trend setter in Brighton, was absurdly extravagant and ran up enormous debts; he was clearly self-indulgent but not a bad man, merely a foolish one (Priestley 1969 p 32/3).

Having become Regent in 1811, late in life, the Prince found himself King on the death of his old mad father in 1820. George III had been eccentric for many years: in 1810 he was fastened in a straight jacket for eleven days to restrain him. The complaint was probably hereditary porphyria which causes mind disorders through its action on blood metabolism. At the time, parental insanity provided the background for the excesses of Brighton (Priestley 1969 p 11-13).

In spite of having sea water piped direct to his bathroom, one of the rare confirmations that the Prince was influenced at all by sea water as a cure, gout, dropsy, shortness of breath and depression overtook him. Following some public criticism, he eventually turned his attentions to Buckingham Palace and Windsor, and Brighton was left to find a new raison d'etre (Margetson 1969 p10- 12). George IV died in 1830 with the Pavilion still unfinished. The new King, William IV and his Queen Adelaide, a patron of St Anne's Well, tolerated the Pavilion while the accounts were being straightened out but within 7 years passed away and the Victorian age was born (Herr' 1967 p47, Sitwell 1938 p334/5).

When Victoria came to the throne in 1837, her attitude towards Brighton and the Palace is summed up in the following quotation. 'The Queen condemned the Prince Regent's outmoded extravaganza as a strange, odd, Chinese looking thing. It was completely lacking in privacy and no longer any use as a marine residence. Since the Prince Regent's day the suburbs of the town had come crowding round the cupolas and minarets of the Pavilion, just like the citizens of the town who mobbed the Queen on her rare visits, and now only a glimpse of the sea was visible from her sitting room. Besides, the extravagant, feverish interiors where dragons writhed along fenders and pelmets, and the King's mistresses stared insolently down from the murals round the dining room, were not apartments where the young Queen, as much bourgeoise as sovereign, felt comfortable' (York 1991 p22). In spite of a visit to Malvern as a young lady in 1830 (Weaver 1992 p2) and occasional visits to other spas including Bath, also in 1830 (Hinde 1988 p204), the Queen had little interest in water as a cure and Brighton's reputation as a spa was waning. As a result, Victoria relocated her "away from London" residence at Osborne, in the Isle of Wight, from the mid-1840s and Royal patronage of the English spas came to a close (York 1991 p23). Victoria's subsequent impact on the Isle of Wight was substantial and much economic activity reflected the importance of her patronage of the Island; many hotels and boarding houses prospered under such names as Balmoral and Osborne (Bainbridge 1986 p33).

Royal patronage of Brighton thus ensued from the mid-1780s and died out during the 1830s. For 50 years Brighton's society and prosperity were dominated by the Prince of Wales, later Prince Regent and George IV. This in turn attracted those members of the aristocracy who saw common cause in the tone and style set by the Prince. As a result, a vast social and economic infrastructure resulted which is reflected in the economic prosperity deduced from the rise in population figures discussed earlier.

A further indication of the rise in economic activity can be seen in the development of the built environment. Victoria noted that the Palace was being crowded by the town development (see earlier quotation). In Yeakell and Gardner's map of 1779, reproduced by Hollingdale, the town is confined between West, North and East Streets. The town has not expanded substantially outwards from the 16th century map reproduced by Underwood, although some infilling may have occurred as can be seen from Farrant's 1744 replicated map. Hollingdale notes that, by the time of Cobby's map of 1799, the town has spread in all directions. Marchant's map of 1808, also produced by Hollingdale, shows even more dramatic growth and it is apparent that Brighton is rapidly expanding at this time in line with population growth. This growth continues and is further reflected on Bruce's plan of Brighton of 1827, reproduced by Gilbert. Copies of maps and their sources are given in the appendix.

It can be concluded that Brighton prospered during the period 1780 - 1830. Prior to this it had been a fishing town and a port. As a port it had been named in official lists as early as 1301 (Carder 1990 e128). Since medieval times it had been one of the largest towns in Sussex but following a period of prosperity for the fishing industry, Brighton fell into recession in the early 18th century (Carder 1990 e127). During this period the economy along the Sussex and Kent coast was bolstered by smuggling with its associated violence and conflict with authority. Smuggling increased considerably in Brighton with the appearance of the Prince of Wales and the presence of the court which provided a ready market for clandestine landings of luxuries. 'Revenue vessels regularly patrolled off the coast but it was still possible in 1803 for fashionable visitors walking on Brighton Steyne to see tubs being openly brought ashore by fishermen.' Smuggling practices continued until the 1850s (Waugh 1991 p129-131, Cooper 1966 p43). Evidence elsewhere suggests that smuggling was replaced by tourism as the powers of the coast guard became more effective in the 19th century. Hutchings cites the case of Shanklin Chine in the Isle of Wight where tie owner found it more lucrative to charge to walk round rather than use the chine for illicit landings. (Hutchings 1973 p17) The organising of an effective preventive service in the first half of the 19th century eventually put an end to traditional smuggling (Waugh 1991 p18). Brighton would thus have provided ample opportunity for tourism related employment and a packet boat service was inaugurated as early as 1764 with Dieppe. By 1817 there were nine packets conveying nearly 2500 passengers to France during the summer (Carder 1990 el28).

Brighton thus was an established town prior to the patronising by Royalty, and had an enterprising local populace. It was ripe for development following the recession of the 18th century and was the nearest south coast resort to London.

The social life at the established spas was less attractive and the new generation of the Royal family sought less constrained venues to practice their excesses.

The role of Russell's sea water cure in the equation is impossible to quantify. There is some evidence that the initial visits of Royalty to Brighton were prompted by health considerations (Underwood 1978 p67) and it is sensible to suggest that the sea water cure may well have tempted the initial visits. Sea bathing was becoming popular as the 18th century progressed but it was not until the appearance of the Prince of Wales in residence that Brighton's economy took off. The Prince's motivations appeared to be anything other than health cure. The fact that Brighton was not part of the established social round was of key importance for the Prince and the role of the spa and health cure was to provide a respectable image to the outside world, using the established spas as a role model but only to the extent that it suited the purposes of the determinators of social activity in the town. That Brighton purported to be a spa was very much secondary to the true raison d'etre. Underwood thus aptly summarises what the advent of Brighton during the period 1780 - 1830 can be ascribed to (Underwood 1978 p67). The first reason is geographical, proximity to London as well as being a coastal resort, and second psychological, pleasure dome of excesses, uninhibited by the conventions of formal society.

What the period of Royal patronage did was to enable the town to develop a social and economic infrastructure that, with its proximity to the metropolis, placed Brighton in the ideal position to develop seaside mass tourism in the 19th century. This further era of development is discussed in ensuing chapters.

Chapter Six.


In this chapter the development and impact of seaside tourism for leisure and recreation in Brighton is investigated. In order to do this, however, it is necessary to appreciate the indeterminable divide between tourists who visited the town for "the cure" which may have involved sea water and those who came for leisure and recreation by the sea. During the 18th century both types of tourist are present and many were perhaps seeking a combination of each activity.

It has already been noted in chapter four, that bathing for health in the sea was long established before Russell's publication in the 1750s. Sea water bathing for pleasure was likely first noted in Brighton and Margate in 1736 and Scarborough in 1735 (Farrant 1980 p15). The Rev. William Clarke took his wife and children to Brighthelmstone for a holiday which included bathing in the sea in 1736 (Hern 1967 p125). Visitor numbers quoted for 1769 to Brighton indicate only about 320 persons, approximately 10% of the resident population per annum. However, by the end of the century visitor numbers, per annum, exceeded the population (Farrant 1980 p23) The motivating factor was a combination of recreation and health although the degree to which each applies is difficult to quantify. What these figures do is endorse the fact that tourists were not a major industry for Brighton during the 18th century. Such quantity of visitors was merely a trickle compared to the tidal wave that would become a feature of the 19th century.

During the period of Royal patronage and subsequently, the emphasis clearly changes in favour of seaside recreation and leisure, with the Royal patronage period making a useful divide between the two time zones. If it is no longer acceptable to sustain the hypothesis that the sea water cure was the founding of seaside tourism, as debated in chapter four, it is in the seaside tourism economic growth of the 19th century that an investigation into alternative motivations and enabling factors must concentrate.

After the 1780s when Royalty started patronising Brighton, the town embarked on an unprecedented era of economic prosperity; but at what point in time did seaside tourism make a substantial contribution to this prosperity? In order to gain an appreciation of when seaside tourism expanded, not only in Brighton but elsewhere, an analysis of pier building provides a useful insight. Pimlott notes that the building of a pier was a sign that a seaside resort had come of age. There was great competition to create more elaborate structures which became the focus for activities similar to the spas; promenading, amusement and meeting people (Pimlott 1947 p131). Sea water baths were available at the end of piers for those who did not relish direct confrontation with the waves (Bainbridge 1986 p32 & p116). The adapting of customs first associated with the spas was a feature of pier utilisation, such uses extended the original intention which was the transfer of people and cargo to and from ships (Adamson 1977 p14). The spas, in some respects, became role models for the seasides but there the similarity ends.

(based on Bainbridge 1986)

It can be seen from the above chart that the period of maximum pier building was from 1861 - 1910. This suggests that it was not until the mid-19th century that the seaside movement resulted in major public building projects, like piers, with the associated economic prosperity. By contrast, in the USA, Atlantic City built the first pier much later, in 1881 (Howell 1974 p108). The United Kingdom was pre-eminent in pier building and led the world in the development of seaside tourism (Howell 1974 p8). Brighton had three piers:

The Chain Pier - built in 1823 and only the second pier opened after Ryde (Bainbridge 1986 p212). It survived until 1896 in spite of several threats to its safety by storms (Carder 1990 e34).

The West Pier - opened in 1866 and still standing although now derelict (Bainbridge 1986 p212). The Palace Pier - opened in 1901 and still in use (Bainbridge 1986 p214).

With the first pier opened in 1823, Brighton was an early entrant into the seaside tourism market and as such sustained a presence throughout the 19th century growth period. In fact, Brighton was able to sustain sufficient momentum to justify the Palace Pier as a replacement to the Chain Pier in 1901. The timing and magnitude of the 19th century growth is endorsed by many authors. Gilbert in particular plots the population growth against that of Bath, which was in a period of stagnation (Gilbert 1975 p19, Brent 1979 p22, et al).

Having seen the demise of the royal patronage after 1830, Brighton sought a new raison d'etre. There is some evidence that Brighton sustained a minor economic recession after 1830 (Brent 1979 p21). As noted in chapter four, by the 1850s a number of the established spa enterprises in Brighton became untenable and closed. The St Anne's Well became a garden with no water drinking facility and the Royal German Spa closed its doors to water cure patients. In addition, communal bathing replaced the former bath houses with their individual facilities. Even the Pavilion became public property in 1850 when the Town Commissioners purchased it at a knock down price of 53,000 pounds sterling (Hern 1967 p48).

This was at a time of great social and economic change throughout the nation. The division between the traditional rural economies and the new industrial towns became more distinct. Technology and science became new gods and strong religious influence eyed the privileged excesses of the aristocracy with distaste (Margetson 1969 p76). Krippendorf identifies four key elements which open the door to seaside tourism. These are encapsulated in the structure of work - home - free time - travel (Krippendorf 1990 p3). The growth cycle of the industrial revolution led to greater personal surplus wealth, free time, education and inquisitiveness and this in turn led, by Victorian times, to a propensity to travel and explore new experiences on the part of the masses. These new explorers were not the aristocracy and higher echelons of society associated with the earlier Regency Brighton. These were the worker beneficiaries of industrialisation who saw Brighton as the venue for a day trip or excursion. Anderson and Swinglehurst note that in 1850, the seaside resort was still in its infancy but that topography was key to the success of a resort (Anderson & Swinglehurst 1978 p36). This theme is developed further by Bainbridge who notes that proximity to London was fundamental to Brighton's growth (Bainbridge 1986 p26). Brighton was also a leader in seaside resort development and stole a lead on the competition by already having an infrastructure of tourism and leisure in place, a residual benefit from the earlier Regency period.

The great enabling factor for the development of seaside tourism in Brighton was transport. "Brighton was the first seaside major town to feel the effects of the railway" (Anderson & Swinglehurst 1978 p21). Before this, however, the Chain Pier had precipitated further development in the Dieppe packets and steam power was introduced in May 1824 with the arrival of "Rapid", quickly followed by a second steam packet to cope with the growing numbers who launched their continental tours through this route (Bainbridge 1986 p30). A substantial British presence established itself in Dieppe and artists such as Sickert regularly travelled to and from France (Knight 1976 p25). In 1828 there were also 24 coaches from London to Brighton in each direction, every day. This followed John Macadam's new methods of road making, announced to parliament in 1811 (Underwood 1978 p100/1). Such communications improvement would have given rise to an increase in foreign visitors to Brighton noted by Underwood (Underwood 1978 84-90). The town thus benefited considerably from its key position as a port of embarkation to and from the continent in the third and fourth decades of the nineteenth century. The benefits were overshadowed with the coming of the railways however.

'The Railway station succeeded the Pavilion as the centre of life in Brighton.' (Sitwell 1938 p342).

In 1840 the first train arrived on the new Shoreham line. It was on 21 Sept 1841 that the London and Brighton Railway was declared open and the old order of things was gone forever (Sitwell 1938 p343/4). Work began in 1838 and as such was one of the earlier railways to be built, well ahead of the railway mania of later Victorian England. The railway quickly replaced other overland travel due to a combination of two benefits, speed and price. Throughout 1837, horse coaches had carried 50,000 passengers to Brighton; the railway carried that number in a single week in 1850. By 1861 it is estimated that a quarter of a million visitors were carried to Brighton by rail and on Easter Monday in 1862, 132,000 passengers arrived in a single day (Underwood 1978 p107). The London Brighton and South Coast Railway was particularly successful and by 1886 was operating 459 miles of track across Southern England (Bradshaw's 1886 p178).

There were numerous variations from the regular passenger which further enhanced the numbers carried. The first seaside excursion was run by Sir Rowland Hill, innovator of the penny post, who became chairman of the Brighton Railway Company in 1843. This was quickly followed by Thomas Cook in the 1840s (Henn 1967 p58). Thomas Cook soon assumed the role of specialist travel agent, organising complex journeys and issuing tickets at favourable rates, thus popularising, simplifying and cheapening travel (Brendon 1991 p17).

The railway to Brighton and the speed of transit to and from the capital resulted in the establishment of a commuter colony at the coast. Although Cobbett noted in 1823 that even in the stage coach era people worked in London but resided in Brighton, the railway enabled the concept to be extended and people from the West End theatre world found this a particularly attractive lifestyle (Underwood 1978 p112).

It will be seen in figure one, chapter four, that the effect of this new era of development was to increase dramatically the resident population. From 12,000 in 1811, the resident population rose to 47,000 by 1841 and 90,000 by 1871 (Carder 1990 el27). Pimlott notes that the population of England and Wales rose from 9 millions in 1801 to just over 18 millions in 1851 (Pimlott 1947 p97). This is an increase of two-fold. Brighton by contrast, over a similar time period, had a population growth from 7,339 to 65,569, an increase of nearly nine-fold (Carder 1990 e127). Brighton became the largest resort in the country (Pimlott 1947 p97). In 1855 the Sussex Express confirms that Brighton was celebrated for sea bathing (Sussex Express 1855).

Such an influx of residents and visitors, bringing and responding to economic wealth, did not come without problems. Brighton's former reputation as a town of pleasure acted as an incentive for the day visits and excursions of the masses from the suburbs of London. The new railway tourists were far different from the earlier visitors of Brighton during the days of Royal patronage.

'At Brighton, the more respectable people kept to the West Pier, leaving the Palace Pier to the more noisy day trippers. For some the big resorts became too noisy and vulgar, and they moved away altogether, from Brighton to sedate Hove' (Anderson and Swinglehurst 1978 p88).

By 1855, Brighton had a prostitute problem. The ladies thus engaged found the Pavilion lawns a suitable place to sell their wares. In Queen Square, the St Mary's Home for Female Penitents was set up. By 1859 there were 325 known prostitutes, the real number probably being double (Argus 1986 p37). In 1860 the infamous Brighton As It Is: Its Pleasures Practices and Pastimes was published. Under the guise of social reform and social science investigation, this guide identified the less salubrious parts of town for those who wished to mix in such company. Church Street was noted for drunks and broken heads and the Theatre in the New Road with its nearby gin palace was renowned for prostitutes and drunken lewdness (Underwood 1978 p109-110). The tone and style set during this era has resulted in an inheritance with which Brighton has subsequently found difficulty in breaking with. The town still enjoys a reputation for liberal practices. Whether because the town has an economic eye on particular markets is open to speculation but such activities continue to the present day, no doubt continuing to attract a significant tourist element.

In summing up the explanations for Brighton's growth in the 19th century, Farrant identifies and reiterates a number of factors. Without doubt, proximity and ease of travel to London was of key importance (Farrant 1981 p13-15). This in turn led to the influx of both middle class residential families, medium stay socialites down for a season and both short stay and day tripping tourists. As the town expanded, the natural barriers of the surrounding downland moulded development patterns and extended settlements emerged, like the development of Hove.

As has been previously noted, Brighton was one of the earlier pioneer seaside resorts. Much of this must be due to the fact that by the early 19th century an infrastructure of a resort was already established as a result of the era of Royal patronage. Unlike other coastal resorts, possibly with the exception of Scarborough, Brighton was equipped to cope with influxes of visitors which improvements in transport and changing economic and social circumstances made available. This in turn provides an alternative explanation to the advent of seaside tourism in Brighton. This alternative explanation does not depend on the former tourists of the spas being redirected to seaside resorts in the belief that the sea provided a cure similar to that available at the earlier mineral water spas. The new seaside tourists were not from the same classes in society as the former visitors to the spas. Pleasure and recreation were a key element in their motivation, but not within the framework of the formal and structured behaviour and etiquette associated with the spas or to brush shoulders with their betters, as so many sought to do at the spas. What the 19th century produced was a new working and middle class tourist who sought a break from the drudgery, toil and environmental deprivation of Victorian urban and industrial society. In the following chapter the implications of this are discussed in the context of the underlying hypothesis under consideration.

Chapter Seven


Having carried out an evaluation of tourism in Brighton as a spa, under Royal patronage and as a seaside resort, it is now possible to draw conclusions as to the value of the underlying hypothesis that this dissertation seeks to evaluate.

In the assessment of the evolution of the spa industry, it is apparent that Brighton as a spa was late in the general development of the industry. By the early 1800s the mineral water cure industry was in decline. Also, it is clear that growth in Brighton was being fuelled by the Royal patronage rather than as a sea water or mineral water spa.

Russell's dissertation on sea water as a cure, was not new; it was one of many imaginative branches of medicine at the time and had little impact on the local economy. It would also have been subject to the new understanding of chemistry of the early 19th century and would thus have had questionable credibility. As an enabling factor its influence was minimal in the development of tourism in Brighton and, by inference, at other coastal resorts also.

The Royalty came to Brighton at a time when the spas were formalised socially and the new generation of Royals sought a less constrained environment for their pleasures. It is likely that the initial visits of the gentry were exploring the sea water cures of Russell, but it was as a pleasure dome that Brighton hosted the aristocracy. The spa aspect provided a legitimate backcloth but was no more than stage dressing. Elsewhere, the spa industry was in decline and new diversifications were created at Brighton and other resorts. Brighton's diversifications, however, evolved into accessories to pleasure with the baths, plus an industry not associated with tourism at the bottling plant for artificial mineral waters.

As the period of Royal patronage passed with the new generations of Royalty, Brighton sought new opportunities for economic prosperity. The geographical location had been an important factor for the Royal patronage; this again proved invaluable with the improvements in transport, especially the coming of the railways.

After a short period of stagnation, Brighton's fortunes were revived with the boom tourism that the railways brought. This was a new type of tourism, associated with the new social order of the industrial revolution and not of the type associated with the former spas. The tourists were different in their background, needs and expectations and far apart from the aristocracy of the spas or the era of Royal patronage at Brighton.

The literature reviewed in chapter three, which represents the popularly held notion and current thinking by many authors on the origins of seaside tourism, becomes questionable. The inland spas did not lose their markets to the new seaside tourism. What happened was that the spas fell into decline and many failed to innovate and capture new markets for medical treatments. Seaside tourism was a social phenomenon associated with a new need and ability of the worker beneficiaries of the industrial society to enjoy recreation away from home. The spas were in decline some time before the advent of mass seaside tourism. Brighton was particularly fortunate in that the period of Royal patronage pre-empted the era of mass seaside tourism. This provided a unique period of economic prosperity when spas elsewhere were losing their role and custom. At the same time the pre-established infrastructure at a coastal resort gave Brighton a lead in the subsequent development of mass seaside tourism.

This in turn throws up one more question that seeks an explanation. Why did the new mass tourist of the 19th century seek to go to a coastal resort rather than the older established inland spas?

There is a combination of reasons. The spas were associated with the exclusiveness of the upper classes and their formalised behaviour patterns would not have been appropriate to the new mass tourist. Brighton was different; it already had a reputation as a pleasure dome. In addition, the coastal resorts offered a totally different environment from the urban developments of the cities. New inland venues did attract day tourists from the cities but at the seaside there was space to spread out, low cost beaches and fresh air. It is in this latter aspect - fresh air - that the activities of the medical profession need to be examined.

As 19th century medical opinion developed, the value of climate became more appreciated, especially as the working and living conditions in much of Victorian England deteriorated. The climatic or health resort cure was evolved. This new era of pseudo spa development is largely ignored by spa historians.

Although outdoor exercise and fresh air had started to be recognised as part of a spa cure, one of the earlier advocates of climate as an aid to health in its own right was Clark. Writing in 1830, he looked at climates throughout the world and commented on the climatic characteristics and suitability of resorts as varied as Bermuda and the European Continent. Brighton, Clark observes, has air which influenced the nervous system and he lay stress on the area east of the Steyne. "When a change of climate cannot be adopted, great benefit can be obtained from a change of air in our own country" (Clark 1830 p29-31, p386 etc.). The emphasis on foreign travel was aimed at the upper classes but the endorsement of British local climates became an important marketing tool for resorts seeking to add value to their claims as seaside tourist venues. The seaside, in winter and in summer, was particularly recommended for convalescence. Some of the resorts deemed to be milder, were recommended for pulmonary complaints (Pimlott 1947 p106).

Granville in 1841 was advocating locations for the most tender of invalids on the coast. Family doctors recommended prolonged rest at a suitable location for their middle-class patients (Hern 1967 p96).

Sensing the demise of the traditional spas, the medical profession turned not only to hydrotherapy and artificial waters as in Malvern and Brighton respectively, but also to climatic values in order to sustain a credibility and relevance in a changing world. The theme of this approach is replicated throughout the next eighty years as the contrast between the invigorating coastal climate and the environmental abuse of industrial Britain is pursued to economic advantage.

Thomson, in 1860, included Brighton and Tunbridge Wells in his evaluation of health resorts. To the traditional benefits of the chalybeate spring, Thomson adds the dry, bracing, pure air at Tunbridge and for Brighton, he identifies three distinct climatic zones (Thomson 1860 p94 & p108).

It is interesting to note that in the popular seaside literature of the 19th century, the appeal of the seaside is seen as a place of relaxation away from the workplace and of happy days with friends (Newnes 1895 introduction). Health was not at the top of the holiday makers' agenda. The medical profession, perhaps lamenting the former glory and commercial opportunity of the spas, continued to promote and publish such works as Yeo's Mineral Springs and Climates. This again seeks to merge the old expertise of the mineral water springs with the new understanding of climate as an aid to health. Yeo collates information from Europe and the Mediterranean fringe (Yeo 1904). Such information may have been pertinent to the holiday pursuits of the middle and upper classes, but its relevance to the mass tourist I find suspect.

By the early 20th century, the concept of health resort linked with climate was epitomised by the massive tomes of the Report of the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society. In volume one, Dr Mackey discusses the winds, geology, sunshine and rainfall of Brighton in the context a variety of health and illness statistics. By this time the rigors of science ensured that claims were substantiated with detailed facts (Ord 1895 p363-376). Such reports were not limited to coastal towns. The old spa towns were obvious candidates for a revival of fortunes through the new climatic aid to health. In addition, new inland locations came to prominence such as Church Stretton in Shropshire (Luke 1919 p132), supplementing the developing seaside resorts (Wood 1919 p45-47).

The medical profession was able to sustain a new role in the evolution of mass tourism in the 19th century by endorsing the exodus to the seaside and other new tourist resorts. But the emphasis was not, as Russell proposed, a sea water cure. It was as a different, healthy environment in which to enjoy pleasurable pastimes. Seaside resorts thus invigorated the body and the mind by way of a healthy climate and pleasurable activities away from work, the emphasis being without doubt on the latter.

A conclusion can now be drawn on the key question of this dissertation: was the transition from spa to seaside tourism part of a continuing developmental process, with the latter capturing the tourism market of the former, as is suggested by many popular authors? From the arguments expressed earlier in this chapter, which summarise the findings of this dissertation, it is apparent that this hypothesis cannot be sustained.

The alternative hypothesis is that spa and seaside tourism were distinct and separate social and economic phenomena that happened to come together in Brighton as a result of the towns unique geography and circumstances.

The two parts of the alternative hypothesis are now examined.

The advent and demise of the mineral water spas was a process largely contrived by the medical profession and the aristocracy. Scientific discovery and a change in recreational needs of the aristocracy brought it to an end at the close of the 18th century. Seaside tourism on the other hand, has been shown to be a later process which exploded with mass travel and provided leisure for the middle and working classes in healthy locations. The first part of the alternative hypothesis, that mineral water spa and seaside tourism were distinct and separate social phenomena is thus sustained. Whilst seaside tourism has subsequently expanded to worldwide holiday travel locations, it continues to be a major market opportunity in the UK. The spas, in contrast, are now considered part of our heritage.

Brighton, as a case study, is unique but nevertheless provides insight into the processes at work overall. The mineral and sea water spa era was not significant in Brighton's development. It has been argued that it was the era of Royal patronage, where Royalty rejected the traditional spas, that provided an early period of prosperity. This was not part of a continuing developmental process with the seaside resorts taking the market for "the cure" from the inland spas. Brighton in isolation secured Royal patronage against a backcloth of being a spa, but the appeal was that of the pleasure dome and not for the curative potential.

The infrastructure derived from Royal patronage of Brighton then became a significant enabling factor in the later development as a seaside resort. Spa and seaside tourism therefore came together at Brighton because of the town's unique circumstances of Royal patronage and the second part of the alternative hypothesis is validated. The conjecture is therefore that spa and seaside tourism were distinct and separate social and economic phenomena that happened to come together in Brighton as a result of the towns unique geography and circumstances.

But an irony exists. Gilbert's quotation from the literature review has a truth. 'Many factors are concerned in the origin of seaside resorts, but the medical profession is primarily responsible for their birth.' (Gilbert 1975 p9). It was not the sea water cure however, as assumed by many authors, that aided the advent of seaside tourism. It was the advocating of climate for health by the medical profession. Even so this was of secondary importance. It was the pursuit of the leisure and pleasure markets that were the primary factors.



For speed of reference and as a guide for further reading, sources are given by chapter.

References for Chapter One.

Bainbridge C. 1986, PAVILIONS ON THE SEA, Robert Hale, London.
Carder T. 1990, THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BRIGHTON, E. Sussex County Libraries. (e numbers refer to "entries" not page numbers)
Gilbert E W. 1975, BRIGHTON, OLD OCEANS BAUBLE, Flare Books, Sussex.
MacKenzie P. 1820, MINERAL WATERS, Burgess & Hill, London.
Moncrieff A R H, 1902, BLACKS GUIDE TO SUSSEX, Adam & Charles Black, London.
Musgrave C. 1980, LIFE IN BRIGHTON, see Carder 1990, E16.
Saunders W. 1805, A TREATISE ON MINERAL WATERS, Phillips and Fardon, London.

References for Chapter Two.

Addison W, 1951, ENGLISH SPAS, Batsford, London.
Bord J & C. 1985, SACRED WATERS, Granada, London.
Bower A. 1985, THE WATER CURE, Hall & Sons, Derby.
Browne J. 1990, DARWIN AT MALVERN, Medical History Supplement No 10, Wellcome Institute, London.
Carder T. 1990, ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BRIGHTON, E. Sussex County Libraries.(e = entry number)
Claridge R T. 1843, HYDROTHERAPY, THE COLD WATER CURE, Madden, London.
Denbigh K. 1981, A HUNDRED BRITISH SPAS, Spa Publications, UK.
Farthing R. 1990, ROYAL TUNBRIDGE WELLS, Phillimore, Chichester.
Floyer J. 1702, HISTORY OF COLD BATHING, 1722 ed. Innys, London.
Gillert 0 & Rulffs W. 1990, HYDROTHERAPIE, Munchen.
Glover T R. 1945, SPRINGS OF HELLAS, University Press, Cambridge.
Hamlin C. 1990, THE LEGITIMISATION OF THE ENGLISH SPAS, Medical History, supplement 10, Wellcome Institute, London.
Havins P J N. 1976, THE SPAS OF ENGLAND, Robert Hale, London.
Hinde T. 1988, TALES FROM THE PUMP ROOM, Gollancz, London.
Home G. 1901, EPSOM, IT'S HISTORY AND SURROUNDINGS, Homeland Assoc. Epsom.
Hope R C. 1893, HOLY WELLS OF ENGLAND, Elliot Stock, London.
Jackson R. 1990, WATERS AND SPAS IN THE CLASSICAL WORLD, Medical History, supplement 10, Wellcome Institute, London.
Johnson R H. 1990, THE FIRST GOVERNMENT BALNEOLOGIST IN NEW ZEALAND, Medical History, supplement 10, Wellcome Institute, London.
Jones F. 1954, THE HOLY WELLS OF WALES, University of Wales Press, Cardiff.
Kneipp S. 1893, MY WATER-CURE, republished 1979 with background introduction, Thorsons, Northants.
Lane-Davies A. 1970, HOLY WELLS OF CORNWALL, Fed. of Old Cornwall Societies.
Logan P. 1980, THE HOLY WELLS OF IRELAND, Billing & Sons, GB.
McMenemey W H. 1952, THE WATER DOCTORS OF MALVERN, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine.
Melville L. 1907, BATH UNDER BEAU NASH, Simms, Bath.
Melville L. 1912, SOCIETY AT TUNBRIDGE WELLS, Eveleigh Nash, London.
Miller N. 1982, HEAVENLY CAVES, George Allen & Unwin, London.
Morris C. 1947, THE JOURNEYS OF CELIA FIENNES, Cresset Press, London.
Nott J. 1900, THE STORY OF THE WATER CURE, Stevens of Malvern.
Quiller-Couch M & L. 1894, ANCIENT AND HOLY WELLS OF CORNWALL, Clark, London.
Robertson W H. 1866, GUIDE TO BUXTON, Bates, Buxton.
Ross A. 1974, PAGAN CELTIC BRITAIN, London.
Saunders W. 1805, A TREATISE ON MINERAL WATERS, Phillips and Fardon, London.
Smedley Mrs. undated, c1870, LADIES MANUAL OF PRACTICAL HYDROTHERAPY. Blackwood, London.
Smedley J. 1870, PRACTICAL HYDROTHERAPY, W Kent, London.
Smethurst T. 1843, HYDROTHERAPIA, Snow, London.
Source, 1985+, JOURNAL OF THE HOLY WELLS GROUP, 1-9, Valentine, Northants.
Spas Federation, c1930, THE SPAS OF BRITAIN, guide for the medical profession.
Stewart B. 1981, THE WATERS OF THE GAP, Bath City Council.
Turner E S. 1967, TAKING THE CURE, Quality Book Club, London.
Weaver C, 1991, MALVERN AS A SPA TOWN, Cora Weaver Press, Malvern.

References for Chapter Three.

Bainbridge C.1986, PAVILIONS ON THE SEA, Hale.
Brendon P. 1991, THOMAS COOK, 150 YEARS OF POPULAR TOURISM, Secker and Warburg, London.
Burton E. 1967, THE GEORGIANS AT HOME, Longmans Press.
Carder T. 1990, THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BRIGHTON, E. Sussex County Libraries.
Dale A. 1950, BRIGHTON, Bredon & Heginbothom, Brighton.
Dale A. 1979, ABOUT BRIGHTON, Regency Society, Brighton, with introduction by D.L.Murray. First published 1951.
Gilbert E.W. 1975, BRIGHTON, OLD OCEAN'S BAUBLE, Flare, Sussex. Murphy P. 1985, TOURISM. Routledge, Newnes G. (publishers) 1895, ROUND THE COAST, AN ALBUM OF PICTURES. London.
Pimlott J A R. 1947, THE ENGLISHMAN'S HOLIDAY, Faber & Faber, London.
School of Architecture and Interior Design, c1990, A GUIDE TO THE BUILDINGS OF BRIGHTON, McMillan Martin, Cheshire.
Urry J. 1990, THE TOURIST GAZE, Sage, London.
Victoria History of Sussex, 1940, Volume V11, Jamison C, THE BOROUGH OF BRIGHTON. Oxford University Press, reprint 1973.

References for Chapter Four.

Bates E S. 1987, TOURING IN 1600, Century, London.
Carder T. 1990, ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BRIGHTON, E. Sussex County Libraries.(e = entry number)
Denbigh K. 1981, A HUNDRED BRITISH SPAS, Spa Publications, UK.
Farrant J & S. 1976, BRIGHTON BEFORE DR. RUSSELL, an interim report, Occasional Paper 5, University of Sussex.
Farrant S. 1980, GEORGIAN BRIGHTON, University of Sussex.
Findon W & E. 1838, PORTS AND HARBOURS OF GREAT BRITAIN, Charles Tilt, London.
Floyer J. 1722, THE HISTORY OF COLD BATHING, Innys, London.
Gilbert E W. 1975, BRIGHTON, OLD OCEAN'S BAUBLE, Flare, Sussex.
Granville A B. 1837, THE SPAS OF GERMANY, volume 2, Henry Colburn, London.
Granville A B. 1841, SPAS OF ENGLAND, Volume 2, reprint Adams & Dart, 1971.
Gunther R T. 1959, THE GREEK HERBAL OF DIOSCORIDES, Hafner, New York.
Havins P J N. 1976, THE SPAS OF ENGLAND, Robert Hale, London.
Hinde T. 1988, TALES FROM THE PUMP ROOM, Gollancz, London.
Hollingdale E. 1979, OLD BRIGHTON, George Nobbs, Norwich.
Jackson R. 1990, WATER AND SPAS OF THE CLASSICAL WORLD, Medical History Supplement No 10, Wellcome Institute.
Mackenzie P. 1820, THE MEDICAL POWER OF MINERAL WATERS, Burgess, London.
McMenemey W H. 1952, THE WATER DOCTORS OF MALVERN, Proceedings of Royal Soc. of Medicine, Vol 46.
Monro D. 1770, A TREATISE ON MINERAL WATERS, 2 volumes, London.
Musgrave C. 1981, LIFE IN BRIGHTON, revised edition first published 1970, John Halewell Publications
Pimlott J A R. 1947, THE ENGLISHMAN'S HOLIDAY, Faber & Faber, London.
Pliny 1861, THE NATURAL HISTORY OF PLINY, first published 77AD, translated by Bostock and Riley, Bohn, London.
Reiham A. 1829, A SHORT HISTORY OF BRIGHTON, referred to in Gilbert 1975 p64)
Russell R. 1769, DISSERTATION ON THE USE OF SEA WATER IN THE DISEASES OF THE GLANDS, Owen, London. Saunders W. 1805, A TREATISE ON MINERAL WATERS, Phillips and Fardon, London.
Simmons D A. 1983, SCHWEPPES, THE FIRST 200 YEARS, Acropolis Books, Washington D.C.
Sitwell 0 & Barton M. 1938, BRIGHTON, Faber & Faber, London.
Swinglehurst E & Anderson J. 1978, THE VICTORIAN AND EDWARDIAN SEASIDE, Country Life Books, London.
Turner E S. 1967, TAKING THE CURE, Quality Book Club, London.
Underwood E. BRIGHTON, Batsford, London.
Urry J. 1990, THE TOURIST GAZE, Sage, London. Youngs Antiquarian Books, 1992, CATALOGUE 42, Tillingham, Essex.

References for Chapter Five.

Bainbridge C. 1986, PAVILIONS IN THE SEA, Robert Hale, London.
Clark F L. 1953, NEW LIGHT ON EPSOM WELLS, Pullingers, Epsom.
Dale A. 1979, ABOUT BRIGHTON, Regency Society, Brighton, with introduction by D.L.Murray.
Carder T. 1990, THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BRIGHTON, E. Sussex County Libraries.
Cooper W. 1966, SMUGGLING IN SUSSEX, Frank Graham, Newcastle.
Defoe D. 1724, A TOUR THROUGH THE WHOLE ISLAND OF GREAT BRITAIN, reprinted by Penguin 1978.
Farrant S. 1980, GEORGIAN BRIGHTON, University of Sussex.
Farthing R. 1990, ROYAL TUNBRIDGE WELLS, A PICTORIAL HISTORY, Phillimore, Chichester.
Franzero C M. 1958, BEAU BRUMMELL, HIS LIFE AND TIMES, John Day Co. New York.
Havins P J N. 1976, THE SPAS OF ENGLAND, Hale, London.
Hembry P. 1990, THE ENGLISH SPA, Athlone, London.
Hern A. 1967, THE SEASIDE HOLIDAY, Cresset Press, London.
Hinde T. 1988, TALES FROM THE PUMP ROOM, Gollancz, London.
Home G. 1901, EPSOM, republished 1971 by S.R.P. Wakefield.
Howell S. 1974, THE SEASIDE, Studio Vista.
Hutchings R J. 1973, SMUGGLERS IN THE ISLE OF WIGHT, 1990 edition, I.O.W County Press.
Jackson R. 1990, WATERS AND SPAS IN THE CLASSICAL WORLD, Medical History Supplement no 10, Wellcome Institute.
Margetson S, 1969, LEISURE AND PLEASURE IN THE 19TH CENTURY, Coward-Cann, New York.
Melville L. 1907, BATH UNDER BEAU NASH, Simms, Bath.
Melville L. 1912, SOCIETY AT TUNBRIDGE WELLS, Eveleigh Nash, London.
Michaelis-Jena R & Merson W. 1988, A LADY TRAVELS, from the diaries of Johanna Schopenhauer, Routledge, London.
Morris C. 1947, THE JOURNEYS OF CELIA FIENNES, Cresset Press, London.
North D. 3rd Lord, 1654, A FOREST OF VARIETIES, Cotes.
Pimlott J A R. 1947, AN ENGLISHMAN'S HOLIDAY. Faber, London.
Priestley J B. 1969, THE PRINCE OF PLEASURE, Sphere Books, London.
Sitwell O. & Barton M. 1938, BRIGHTON, Faber & Faber, London.
Underwood E. 1978, BRIGHTON, Batsford, London.
Waugh M. 1991, SMUGGLING IN KENT AND SUSSEX, Countryside Books, Newbury, first published 1985.
York, Duchess of, 1991, VICTORIA AND ALBERT, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London.

References for Chapter Six.

Adamson S H. 1977, SEASIDE PIERS, Batsford, London.
Anderson J & Swinglehurst E. 1978, THE VICTORIAN AND EDWARDIAN SEASIDE, Country Life Books, London.
Argus, 1986, AROUND HISTORIC SUSSEX, extracts from the Evening Argus newspaper, Eagle Publishing, Hove.
Bainbridge C. 1986, PAVILLIONS ON THE SEA, Robert Hale, London.
Bradshaw's, 1886, RAILWAY MANUAL SHAREHOLDERS GUIDE, Adams & Sons, London.
Brendon P. 1991, THOMAS COOK, 150 YEARS OF POPULAR TOURISM. Secker and Warburg, London.
Carder T. 1990, THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BRIGHTON, E. Sussex County Libraries.
Gilbert E W. 1975, BRIGHTON, OLD OCEAN'S BAUBLE, Flare, Sussex.
Hern A. 1967, THE SEASIDE HOLIDAY, Cresset Press, London.
Howell S. 1974, THE SEASIDE, Studio Vista.
Farrant S. 1980, GEORGIAN BRIGHTON, University of Sussex.
Farrant S, Fossey K, Peasgood A N. 1981, THE GROWTH OF BRIGHTON AND HOVE 1840-1939, University of Sussex.
Knight S. 1976, JACK THE RIPPER, THE FINAL SOLUTION, Book Club Assoc. London.
Krippendorf J. 1990, THE HOLIDAY MAKERS, Heinemann Professional Publishing, Oxford.
Pimlott J A R. 1947, THE ENGLISHMAN'S HOLIDAY, Faber & Faber, London.
Sitwell 0 & Barton M. 1938, BRIGHTON, Faber & Faber, London.
Sussex Express, 1855, SOUTHDOWN SHEEP, Sat. 20th Jan.
Underwood E. 1978, BRIGHTON, Batsford, London.

References for Chapter Seven.

Gilbert E W. 1975, BRIGHTON, OLD OCEAN'S BAUBLE, Flare, Sussex.
Hern A. 1967, THE SEASIDE HOLIDAY, Cresset Press, London.
Newnes G. (publishers) 1895, ROUND THE COAST, AN ALBUM OF PICTURES. London.
Ord W M. (Chairman) 1895, THE CLIMATES AND BATHS OF GREAT BRITAIN, Volume one, Report of the Committee of the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society of London, Macmillan, London, see also volume two published 1902.
Pimlott J A R. 1947, THE ENGLISHMAN'S HOLIDAY, Faber and Faber, London.
Wood N. 1919, HEALTH RESORTS OF THE BRITISH ISLANDS, University London Press.


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Brighton's Past on Shifting Sands Part ONE.

Brighton's Past on Shifting Sands Part TWO.

Brighton's Past on Shifting Sands Part THREE.

Brighton's Crimean Cannon.

The London, Brighton and South Coast Railway.

The Last Fisherman - Rory's Grotto.

Tourism and the Sussex Downs - South Downs National Park.

Crystal Palace - a key tourist location between London and Brighton.


18th CENTURY first half, 18th CENTURY second half, 19th CENTURY first half, 19th CENTURY second half, 20th CENTURY - second half


Access all Year, Access by Road, Access on Foot, Part of a larger tourism attraction, Restaurant/Food, Retail Souvenir Shop, Toilets, Tourism Information


Coastal, Country town/village


England - Southern

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